Naval Diplomacy: Significance Of Naval Exercises And Operations

Naval Diplomacy: Significance Of Naval Exercises And Operations

TR

Team Red Lantern Analytica

Directorate of Intelligence

Share:

“Whoever rules the wave, rules the world”

  • Alfred Thayer Mahan

 

INTRODUCTION

An eminent historian and Naval Officer, Alfred Thayer Mahan presented his vision of the Ocean in his book ‘The Influence of Sea Power Upon History’, outlining the importance of sea power. He gave out the advantages of having a vast coastline and access to seas. Considering this theory, India, having a vast coastline is strategically located, covering the Indian Ocean with a 7517-kilometer coastline. With a huge coastline, protecting the maritime boundaries from external threats is critical. This task of securing the maritime boundaries is undertaken by the Indian Navy. However, over time, the Indian Navy has evolved as an instrument of Indian diplomacy and has positioned itself beyond hard power. It is not only involved in hard security conducts Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) Operations, conducts various naval exercises with other nations and maintains good order at Sea.

The Indian Navy is seen as a power that can make the seas a safer zone and promote regional stability by following the laws of the seas. The Indian Navy has also been actively engaged in various missions and operations to enhance naval diplomacy. Naval Diplomacy uses the Indian Navy to assist the foreign policy objectives of India by collaborating and building friendly relations with the other states. This is not only limited to conducting bilateral and multilateral exercises but also involves Humanitarian Assistance to friendly nations and Peacekeeping Operations. India has been working closely with its partners in the region of its interest like Indo-Pacific, Red Sea and other important vital points to protect the critical Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs). Indian Navy has been actively engaging in bilateral and multilateral exercises to enhance its relations with its partners. This article highlights the promotion of naval diplomacy through the naval exercises and operations of the Indian Navy.

IMPORTANCE OF NAVAL EXERCISES AND OPERATIONS

“Warships have always had more than a fighting function,” said Ken Booth in his book ‘Navies and Diplomacy’. The Indian Navy is actively engaged in various naval exercises and humanitarian assistance missions with its partners by deploying its ships. These maritime exercises allow India to showcase its naval power and high-end technology. These exercises let the Indian Navy learn new tactics and interoperability and know the mindset of its partners. These newly learned strategies can be used to tackle unprecedented challenges in the sea. The former Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Karambir Singh outlined four pillars of Defence Diplomacy including Capacity building, Capacity Enhancement, Constructive engagements and Collaborative efforts, known as the 4Cs of Defence Diplomacy. The Indian Navy follows these 4Cs to engage with its partners.

The Indian Navy has conducted various maritime exercises in the Maritime Areas of Interest (MAI) or regions of interest. The Indian Navy has actively worked towards the Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) vision. Unveiled in 2015, SAGAR focuses on the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) as it has ample resources and vital choke points. India, one of the largest Littoral states of IOR, actively maintains its presence in the region by deploying its naval ships and cooperating with its partners through joint drills and exercises. These exercises are to secure the region and maintain regional stability and a balance of power. The MILAN exercise conducted in March 2024, is a biennial multilateral exercise conducted in the Indian Ocean. MILAN means ‘a meeting of confluence’ with its motto ‘Camaraderie Cohesion Collaboration’ symbolises the enduring spirit of international maritime cooperation. This also shows the Indian Navy as a responsible regional power. The QUAD’s Malabar exercise is also one such exercise conducted in the Indo-Pacific region with a common vision of Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP). The Indo-Pacific region has been a region of increasing militarisation. Hence, the Indian Navy engages with the East Asian Countries to promote regional stability in the Indo-Pacific.

Setting another mark in Naval Diplomacy, in 2023, the Indian Navy handed over the missile corvette INS Kirpan to Vietnam. Moreover, India has hosted the Indo-Pacific Regional Dialogue of 2023 in New Delhi, with delegates from over 16 countries participating, which focused on operationalising a Regional Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) Network in the Indo-Pacific; Cooperative Regional Solutions to Address Disruptions of the Maritime Rules-based Order; Staunching the Proliferation of Maritime Lawfare in the Indo-Pacific; Enhancing Underwater Domain Awareness across the Indo-Pacific; and Building a Consensual Rules-based Maritime Order in Indo-Pacific through Multilateral Engagement of Minilateral Constructs.

India also conducts and participates in naval exercises like SIMBEX with Singapore, Varuna with France, BongoSagar with Bangladesh, Ekatha with Maldives, Jimex with Japan, Slinex with Sri Lanka, CUTLASS Express conducted by USA, Samudra Shakti with Indonesia and more to enhance combat readiness, interoperability and strategic cooperation.

The Indian Navy has also taken part in overseas operations to provide assistance. The mission SAGAR III was launched under the SAGAR initiative to provide assistance to friendly nations during COVID-19. India also takes part in various anti-piracy and anti-narcotics operations in the sea to curb piracy and illegal drug trafficking across the nations. In 2023, the Indian Navy also took part in the multilateral operation called as the Southern Readiness, which was aimed to enhance cooperation and counter-piracy and also to promote the freedom of navigation. These operations and initiatives make India one of the ‘FIRST RESPONDERS’ during times of crisis.

Furthermore, the Indian Navy has deployed its naval vessels and ships at important choke points such as the Gulf of Aden, Malacca Strait, Bab-el-Mandeb Strait and the Horn of Africa to protect our interests along with our friendly nations’. In March 2024, The Indian Navy conducted an anti-piracy operation that rescued around 16 crew members from MV Ruen ship captured by Somali pirates.

Additionally, the recent outbreak of the Israel-HAMAS conflict resulted in an attack on merchant ships by Houthi rebels, the Indian Navy provided aid to these ships and secured them from attack as the Red Sea falls under India’s Maritime Area of Interest (MAI). Moreover, the Offshore Patrol Vessel (OPV) INS Sumitra thwarted a piracy attempt on FV Iman, an Iranian fishing vessel, in January 2024.

CONCLUSION

The Indian Navy stands top in its power projection, by having an advanced arsenal and being a blue water navy. Mahan emphasised the importance of having powerful battleships, but these powerful ships could also be used beyond hard power. Therefore, Mahan’s emphasis on the significance of sea power finds a reflection in India’s maritime strategy, which is not only maintaining a formidable naval presence but also cooperating with its partners to promote regional stability. By engaging in a multitude of bilateral and multilateral exercises, naval operations, humanitarian missions and peacekeeping operations, the Indian Navy increases its diplomatic ties. Hence, extending the Indian Navy’s role beyond traditional military might.

 

By Harini T R

Research Intern, RLA

Related Intelligence

UNTRADITIONAL SECURITYOCTOBER 13, 2026
01

Why Calls to Revive SAARC Are About More Than Regional Cooperation

Why Calls to Revive SAARC Are About More Than Regional Cooperation Geopolitical positioning, institutional paralysis and the case for practical South Asian cooperation Rationale Founded in Dhaka in December 1985, SAARC brings together Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. Its charter seeks to improve living standards, accelerate economic and social development, and strengthen collective self-reliance. Yet the organisation’s last summit was held in Kathmandu in November 2014. The 2016 Islamabad summit did not take place amid deteriorating India–Pakistan relations and the withdrawal of several participating states from the process. The result has been a prolonged institutional freeze, even as cross-border problems have become harder to manage in isolation. [1][2] The article notes call from Bangladesh and Maldives for SAARC to return to the negotiating table, alongside support for renewed regional engagement from Nepal and Bhutan. Bangladesh has also argued that SAARC and the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) should work alongside one another rather than be treated as alternatives. Such statements matter, but a call for revival is not the same as an agreed roadmap, and neither necessarily indicates a willingness to resolve the political disputes that have paralysed the organisation. 1. The central obstacle is political, not merely administrative SAARC’s institutional design makes political goodwill indispensable. Article X of its charter requires decisions at every level to be unanimous and excludes bilateral and contentious issues from deliberations. The exclusion was intended to protect regional cooperation from being overwhelmed by disputes between neighbours. In practice, however, the combination of unanimity and deep bilateral mistrust has made it difficult to move forward when even one member is unwilling to participate. [1] This is the organisation’s central paradox: SAARC is designed to keep contentious disputes outside the room, but those disputes can determine whether the room is convened at all. India–Pakistan tensions have repeatedly obstructed summit-level engagement, while the deterioration of Pakistan–Afghanistan relations adds another layer of friction. The consequences are not confined to diplomacy. When leaders cannot meet, it becomes harder to secure political direction, approve ambitious initiatives and reassure officials that cross-border projects will survive the next crisis. Still, it would be too simple to attribute SAARC’s paralysis exclusively to one bilateral relationship. The consensus rule gives every member a veto, and weak implementation, limited institutional resources, uneven political commitment and low levels of regional economic interdependence have also constrained the organisation. A serious revival therefore requires more than a summit announcement. It requires a minimum political understanding that technical cooperation should continue even when high-level relations are strained. 2. Regionalism is also a tool of geopolitical balancing Smaller South Asian states do not make foreign-policy choices in a vacuum. They seek investment, infrastructure, security partnerships, market access and diplomatic support from multiple partners. China’s economic presence, the continuing importance of the United States, ties with Gulf countries and links with Southeast Asia all shape the choices available to governments across the region. Building such relationships is not, by itself, evidence of disloyalty to South Asian cooperation. It is a normal form of strategic diversification. The geopolitical question is how governments use these relationships. A renewed appeal to SAARC can help a state demonstrate that it wants a voice in regional affairs, avoid being seen as dependent on a single partner, or signal dissatisfaction with the limits of existing bilateral arrangements. It may also be a way of reminding India, the region’s largest economy and most geographically central state, that neighbouring countries value multilateral forums in which they can participate on a more formally equal footing. Bangladesh’s and Maldives’ efforts to deepen relationships beyond India illustrate the wider strategic setting described in the original draft. Chinese-backed infrastructure, potential security partnerships and engagement with Gulf states can expand policy options for these governments. But the inference must be handled carefully: external partnerships do not prove that calls for SAARC are insincere. A more defensible conclusion is that regional cooperation and geopolitical hedging can occur simultaneously. The real test is whether governments are prepared to translate their rhetoric into funded programmes, negotiated rules and sustained participation. For India, this creates a strategic dilemma. It may be reluctant to invest political capital in a forum where progress can be blocked and bilateral disputes may dominate the agenda. At the same time, prolonged disengagement can leave neighbouring states with fewer region-wide channels and make alternative groupings or external partners more attractive. A regional institution that is unable to deliver results can weaken India’s influence; an institution that works predictably could instead reinforce India’s role as a provider of regional public goods. 3. The economic case for cooperation remains compelling The weakness of SAARC is particularly striking when measured against the economic opportunities available to South Asia. The World Bank reports that intra-regional trade accounts for only about 5 per cent of South Asia’s total trade, compared with roughly 25 per cent in ASEAN. It estimates current trade among South Asian economies at around US$23 billion, well below an estimated potential of at least US$67 billion. High tariffs, non-tariff barriers, restrictions on investment, poor transport links and a persistent trust deficit all contribute to this gap. [3] These figures suggest that the region’s problem is not a lack of economic logic. It is the failure to convert geographical proximity into lower costs and dependable connections. Businesses can face more expensive and complicated trade with nearby countries than with distant markets. For landlocked Nepal and Bhutan, access to ports and efficient transit routes is especially important. For Bangladesh, improved links with India, Nepal and Bhutan can widen markets and make ports and transport corridors more productive. For India’s border states, regional commerce can support local firms, jobs and supply chains. The South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA), which came into force in 2006, has not delivered the depth of integration originally anticipated. A tariff agreement alone cannot overcome closed or inefficient border crossings, inconsistent standards, weak logistics, payment constraints and political restrictions. Nor can regional

A
AdminAnalyst
arrow_outward
UNTRADITIONAL SECURITYAUGUST 14, 2026
02

Myanmar at a Crossroad: Mapping Political Evolution & Future Pathways

Myanmar at a Crossroad: Mapping Political Evolution & Future Pathways Red Lantern Analytica presents a new research report, “Myanmar at a Crossroad: Mapping Political Evolution & Future Pathways,” authored by Lt Col Ujjwal Abhishek Jha, Retd. The report traces Myanmar’s political evolution from independence in 1948, examining the country’s transition from an early parliamentary democracy to prolonged military rule and the recurring cycles of political upheaval and resistance. It explores the historical foundations of Myanmar’s political fragility, the legacy of colonial rule, the country’s post-independence trajectory, and the major turning points that have shaped its contemporary political landscape. The analysis seeks to map Myanmar’s present political crossroads and examine the possible pathways shaping its future, offering a structured perspective on the forces influencing the country’s political evolution. To Download PDF of this report click here

A
AdminAnalyst
arrow_outward
UNTRADITIONAL SECURITYAUGUST 12, 2026
03

Europe Without Russian Energy

How far has Europe actually moved away from Russian energy? In this report, Aadvik Chauhan examines the EU’s transition from political commitments to legally binding restrictions on Russian gas imports, while assessing the continuing role of Russian energy in Europe’s supply structure. The analysis explores energy security, divergent positions among EU member states, infrastructure constraints, renewable energy growth, and the strategic implications of Europe’s attempt to reduce dependence on Russia. The report also examines the paradox of rising Russian gas imports during the early stages of the 2026 phase-out and considers why 2027 could prove decisive for assessing the depth of Europe’s energy transition. To Download PDF of this report click here

A
AdminAnalyst
arrow_outward